Every July 4th weekend, hundreds of thousands of people travel from around the region to visit St. Louis and celebrate what is touted as "America's Biggest Birthday Party." Known as Fair St. Louis, the event includes live music from nationally recognized musicians, a fireworks display, and a parade. However, behind the festivities lies a lesser-known history, involving the origins of the event and its connection to the crushing of workers' rights in the region.
The Rise and Fall of the St. Louis Commune
In July of 1877, railroad workers were enraged by their starvation wages and hazardous working conditions, which often left them maimed or dead. Across the United States, workers decided to rise up and strike against the inhumane practices of the railroad companies. The strike began in West Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, before quickly spreading to the Midwest. On July 21st, the strike reached the St. Louis region, with workers from East St. Louis, Illinois, and St. Louis, Missouri, joining forces and voting to halt all railroad transportation passing through the region, except for passenger and mail trains. Rather than destroying railroad property, the St. Louis strikers chose to take control of the rails, considering them the property of the people. While the approach in St Louis has remained non-violent, it still posed a significant threat to capitalists who relied on the St. Louis region as a crucial transportation hub. By shutting down the railroads and reclaiming the means of production, the strike demonstrated the working class's power and reshaped the power dynamics in the Midwest.
Railroad strikers take control of the railroad in East St Louis, IL. — Sketch by G. J. Nebinger, Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper, April 10, 1886, United States of America, 19th century
The strike's support expanded beyond the railroads, with workers from various trades and marginalized groups joining the cause. Sugar refinery workers, black boatmen (often former slaves who took the limited opportunities available to them), and the large unhoused population in the region all united. This strike was not merely against the railroad companies but developed into a general strike that offered all proletarians the chance to regain power stripped away by the capitalist class. This shared interest created the "St. Louis Soviet", later known as the St. Louis Commune of 1877. Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels referred to it as "the first uprising against the oligarchy of capital which had developed since the Civil War."
While the rail strikes garnered support from many working-class individuals due to the power and unpopularity of the railroads, the wealthy capitalist class prepared for class warfare. They understood that they had lost control of the city in what was described as "a labor revolution" by the Missouri Republican. Fearing that the workers might cut off their utilities, many capitalists filled their sinks and bathtubs with water. The Mayor of St. Louis formed a secret "Committee of Public Safety" to mobilize a response, even requesting arms and ammunition from the US Secretary of War. Although the request was denied, federal troops were dispatched to protect the wealthy and break the strike.
As the strike faced the threat of violence from the militarized "special police" forces, many strikers requested permission from the executive committee of the St. Louis Soviet to arm and defend themselves. However, for reasons not entirely known, the executive committee began to retreat. They urged workers to stop demonstrating and return home. Historians speculate that internal divisions within the executive committee and the movement, fueled by racism against black workers, played a role in this decision. The lack of solidarity weakened the commune's power and provided an opportunity for the City of St. Louis to exploit.
Sixth Maryland Regiment firing on strikers in Baltimore during the Great Railroad Strike of 1877, just days before the rise and fall of the St Louis Commune. – The History of the Great Riots - 1877 by James Dabney McCabe
Subsequently, the City's sheriff called for a posse comitatus, drafting thousands of men under the threat of arrest. Local businessmen ordered their employees to join in, with thousands armed by the City's Committee of Public Safety. A force of seven hundred men, including locals and federal troops, marched on the striker headquarters, arresting strike leaders, reporters, and anyone present in the area. This blow to the working class crushed the strike, the Commune, and the solidarity it represented.
The Birth of the Veiled Prophet
Emboldened by the defeat of the working class, many wealthy families in St. Louis saw the fall of the St. Louis Commune as cause for celebration. Shortly after the strike ended, local businessman and former Confederate soldier Charles Slayback, along with his brother Alonso, established a secretive organization centered around the fabricated mythology of the Veiled Prophet of Khorassan. This organization aimed to elevate the status of St. Louis, compete with the city of Chicago, and promote the values of the wealthy to the working class. The Veiled Prophet Parade, first held in October 1878, became the primary means of conveying these messages. Under the guise of the Veiled Prophet, there would be no more parades or protests for social and economic justice, as seen the previous year. Instead, the Veiled Prophet parade became a display of opulence and extravagance, inspired by the Mardi Gras celebrations in New Orleans. Using the masked figure of the Veiled Prophet as their symbol, the wealthy elites pushed the belief that wealth and wisdom were intrinsically tied, “reinforcing the notion of a benevolent cultural elite”.
The first Veiled Prophet Parade, 1878, with a parade route passing by the Old Courthouse in St Louis, MO. – Image by Edward Jump from Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper, October 1878, Missouri History Museum
Although the identity of the Veiled Prophet is usually concealed, the first Veiled Prophet was revealed to be St. Louis Police Commissioner John G. Priest. Choosing someone who actively fought against the working class and contributed to the strike's suppression conveyed a clear message about the values and intentions of the Veiled Prophet Organization. It is notable that the Missouri Republican, which had sided with the City during the strike, published a story on October 6th, 1878, featuring a photograph of a Ku Klux Klansman instead of the Veiled Prophet. (The organization did not allow Black men to join until 1979). In the same story, the newspaper reported: "It will be readily observed from the accouterments of the Prophet that the procession is not likely to be stopped by street cars or anything else." Historian Thomas Spencer has noted that the reference to "street cars" alluded to the strike the previous year, sending a clear message: “We, the wealthy and powerful, control St. Louis, and nothing will stop us.”
The Origins of Fair St. Louis
Since the first Veiled Prophet parade in 1878, the traditions of the Veiled Prophet Organization have continued and grown. Many well-known and wealthy families from the St. Louis region have participated in these traditions. The names Busch, Danforth, Schnuck, Schlafly, Kemper, and many others have been noted among the secret organization. In the article “Behind the Veil”, reported by the Riverfront Times, Thomas Spencer explained that “one of the roles that organization plays is to keep these people on top with business contacts to put little Johnny into a corporate job, and by the 1950’s and 1960’s, all the corporate CEO’s in St. Louis had the same names as the major business leaders did in the 1880’s”. Some of the most well-known among them have been TV actor Ellie Kemper and former Missouri senatorial candidate Trudy Bush-Valentine, who were both named "Queen" of the annually-held Veiled Prophet Ball in 1999 and 1977, respectively.
Laura Hale Rand crowned the Veiled Prophet Queen of 1938 – Arthur W. Proetz Collection, S0537_705, The State Historical Society of Missouri, Photograph Collection
While both have apologized for their involvement with the organization—with Kemper calling the Veiled Prophet Organization "unquestionably racist, sexist, and elitist"—the conversation often focuses on the organization's past. This redirection has been intentional. The VPO has been met with backlash from members of the St Louis community who recognized the racist and classist values of the organization. Most notable is the 1972 protest, where members of the activist group ACTION infiltrated the VP Ball and unmasked that year’s Veiled Prophet: Monsanto’s vice president at that time, Tom K Smith Jr. (This is the second and last time the VP’s identity has been revealed). In response to social pressures, the VPO made the decision to rebrand its events over the years in order to separate the events from their wealthy and powerful ties. After expanding the Veiled Prophet Parade into a larger festival in 1979, the VPO shortened the name to the much more innocuous title of VP Fair, before further removing the VPO’s association with the organization altogether in 1994, renaming the event simply Fair St Louis.
Fair St Louis, Today
Today, the website of Fair St Louis makes no mention of its ties to the Veiled Prophet Organization. This is why the full story of Fair St Louis should not be forgotten. Understanding the history of Fair St. Louis provides a deeper context for the event and highlights the ongoing struggle between labor and capital. While the current iteration of Fair St. Louis may emphasize community and cultural celebrations, it is essential to recognize the historical origins and the labor movement that once shook the city. By acknowledging the past, we can better understand the ongoing struggles for workers' rights and continue to advocate for the social and economic justice that the St Louis region deserves.